The Cattle Towns (New York, 1968) for the view that the West was not especially violent, see Robert R. Dykstra.
For the characterization of the debate decades that are several, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, †Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but using the assertion that frontier mayhem had been overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (ny, 1978). For the argument that the frontier ended up being violent, however in particular methods, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence in the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice when you look at the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation of this reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at broader habits and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching heritage; Gonzales-Day, Lynching within the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the global World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, †Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (Summer 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, plus the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914†(Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, plus the Lynching of Fred Alexander, †Kansas History: A Journal associated with Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and Arkansas that is northwest Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998) on a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci. For the research study of mob physical physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: a tale of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930†(M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). A Decent Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004) on vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen. For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and lynchings that are northeastern see “Appendix: Lynchings when you look at the Northeast, Midwest, and West, †in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. For a recently available assessment of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck, The Lost area: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013). Feimster, Southern Horrors. For the interpretation of females and kids in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to create This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and customs when you look at the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, †in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other states that are southern see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching as well as the Privileges of Race into the United states South, 1889–1910†(Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Clearly simply Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, just just What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory when you look at the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great Marks on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of Rough Justice, 81–87. For the current interpretation of racial physical violence when you look at the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, while the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free African Americans in the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us americans in the Southern, 1824–1862, †ibid., 93–99. For the treatment that is synthetic of in US history which includes conversation of this colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the us (Lanham, 2011).
Nationwide Association when it comes to development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the us. On methodological issues with lynching data, specially when it comes to areas beyond your Southern, as well as on approaches for compiling a nationwide stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging up to a nationwide Lynching Database: current Developments, †Historical techniques, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues active in the quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence within the Postbellum Southern, †Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I actually do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant since they are, may outweigh some great benefits of counting US lynchings.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical violence in a international context, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. In the Norwegian community’s collective murder of the Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating his family members in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, †Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that involvement in lynching physical physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, †see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other types of collective physical physical physical violence in structural terms across international cultures, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical Violence as Social Control, †Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a global Perspective (nyc, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
For the argument that U.S. Lynching when you look at the long century that is nineteenth respected lynching violence in contemporary Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as a significant episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. This is simply not to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical violence among these cultures that are respective. For contrasting interpretations of present Latin linchamientos that are american see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, †Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; lesbians big tits video and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: methods of Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, †American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in current years throughout the diverse parts of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Hands that is own Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
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I’m grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, plus an anonymous reviewer for their responses on an early on form of this essay.
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